With hearts full of hope and warmth, Ndi Anambra (the people of Anambra State) welcome a new dawn as Governor, Chukwuma Charles Soludo (CFR), and Deputy Governor, OnyekaChukwu Ibezim, take the oath of office for their second term on Tuesday, 17 March 2026. theirBright colours line the streets and smiles beam across faces as the Governor and his deputy close the chapter of their first term and step into the second.

The joy and gratitude were clearly evident on Sunday, 15 March, when Ndi Anambra gathered for an interdenominational thanksgiving service at the Anambra International Convention Centre. The service was held to thank God for how the state has emerged as a shining example of progress within just 35 years of its existence.

The event was attended by the Governor and his wife, Nonye Soludo, as well as the Deputy Governor and his wife. Also present were distinguished personalities including former governor Chris Ngige, National Chairman of the All Progressives Grand Alliance, Sly Ezeokenwa, the Speaker of the Anambra State House of Assembly, traditional rulers, and other dignitaries. Leading clergymen and faith leaders were also in attendance.

The worship service followed an earlier prayer gathering held on Friday with the Anambra Muslim community in Awka.

During the events, Ndi Anambra thanked God for the remarkable achievements recorded during the first term of the Solution Government and prayed for even greater success in the next four years.

Speaking at the service, President of the Pentecostal Fellowship of Nigeria, Francis Wale Oke, observed that Anambra State had advanced remarkably since his first visit in 1981. He also praised the state’s endowment with resourceful men and women who have earned national and global acclaim.

“There is no doubt about it—Anambra State is moving from glory to glory. But that is because you trust in God and consciously commit your affairs into His hands,” Bishop Oke said.

The Founder and Presiding Bishop of Sword of the Spirit Ministries International and Chancellor of Precious Cornerstone University described Governor Soludo as a man of outstanding records and a determined achiever. He recalled knowing him since the era of President Olusegun Obasanjo at Aso Rock, Abuja, but noted that Soludo’s consistent habit of “putting God first” sets him apart.

“When you continually praise the Lord, God takes over your battles,” the PFN President added.

The leader of the Church of Nigeria (Anglican Communion), Henry Chukwudum Ndukuba, also commended Anambra’s commitment to seeking divine guidance in its affairs and praised Governor Soludo’s leadership.

Addressing the Governor through a representative, the Primate of Church of Nigeria said: “It is worthy of note that throughout your first tenure you anchored your leadership on service to God and to humanity.

“Like King Solomon, you asked God for wisdom. You shall reap the benefits of wisdom and service to God through humanity.

“It shall surely be well with you. It shall surely be well with Anambra. It shall surely be well with Ndi Anambra.”

Explaining the purpose of the interdenominational service, Governor Soludo said his administration considered it appropriate to thank God for guiding them thus far and to commit the future into His hands.

“We have come to say, ‘Thank you, Jesus.’

“When I embarked on this mission, I said: ‘God, if it is Your will, use me to transform my state.’

“I have come again to place the next four years into His hands, that He alone may take control.”

The Governor also praised his wife and family for standing firmly behind him throughout his journey and reassured them that he would not disappoint them.

To Ndi Anambra, he pledged that despite the notable achievements of the past four years, the next four years would be even more remarkable.

“On the next four years… O nwebero ife unu fulu—you have not seen anything yet. Come with me on this journey. Let us move forward together,” Soludo beckoned.

He also hinted that value and productivity—not faith or place of origin—will remain the guiding principles of his administration.

* Nnabuife FNGE, FSNA, is the Managing Director of Anambra State Civic and Social Reformation Office (ANCISRO)

FEAR and pessimism remain the most potent forms of self-sabotage. Franklin D. Roosevelt captured this truth succinctly:

“The only limit to our realisation of tomorrow will be our doubts of today.” Given the climate of anxiety and grievance pervading Igboland, one must ask how the ambitious South-East Vision 2050 can succeed. Across the region, lamentations about Igbo-hate and marginalisation dominate public discourse. Rather than leveraging adversity as the Jews and African Americans did in the latter half of the twentieth century, many seem trapped in cycles of self-pity. Therein lies the deeper challenge.
The South-East Development Summit, held from 3–6 February in Enugu, marked a defining milestone with the launch of the Vision 2050 blueprint by the newly established South-East Development Commission (SEDC). Bringing together the five governors, stakeholders, and policy experts, the summit offered a platform for bold proposals aimed at accelerating socio-economic transformation.
Governor Chukwuma Charles Soludo of Anambra State urged the region to prioritise investment and regional collaboration as pillars of sustainable growth. He challenged leaders and the intelligentsia to move beyond rhetoric and design a regional “Marshall Plan” coordinated by the SEDC — a framework for large-scale, integrated development. Central to this vision is infrastructure connectivity: inter-state railways, highways, industrial corridors, and a unified economic bloc rather than five fragmented states. Equally critical is the mobilisation of local and diaspora capital to drive industrial expansion, with strong private-sector participation.
Governor Peter Mbah of Enugu State reinforced the call for integration, endorsing Vision 2050 as a long-term blueprint for coordinated growth. He emphasised synergy in planning, infrastructure, and investment attraction as prerequisites for sustainable prosperity. Governor Alex Otti of Abia State similarly described the blueprint as a decisive step toward long-term economic transformation and shared regional advancement.
Yet while the summit deserves commendation, one omission stands out: insufficient attention to socio-cultural reorientation. Economic blueprints cannot flourish where limiting mindsets prevail. Resistance to change, status quo bias, overreliance on external validation, and psychological self-limitation continue to constrain ambition. Development is as much a cultural undertaking as an economic one. Leadership reforms must be matched by a receptive and progressive followership.
Historical memory further complicates the landscape. The Nigerian Civil War (1967–1970) and the Biafran experience remain deeply embedded in the people's collective consciousness. It is a memory marked by loss, starvation, and difficult reintegration. More than five decades later, traits on marginalisation, infrastructure deficits, lack of political inclusion, unemployment and insecurity persist.
However, grievance alone cannot power transformation. As Nelson Mandela warned, “Resentment is like drinking poison and then hoping it will kill your enemies.” Memory must instruct, not imprison. Historical injustice should inform strategy, not define a people's identity.
Several strategic recalibrations are necessary.
First, the Igbo political project must be reframed around civic federalism. Calls for restructuring, devolution of power, state policing and fiscal federalism should be advanced as national imperatives, not ethnic demands. When Otto von Bismarck observed that politics is “the art of the possible,” he means that hope and smart strategy should be the hallmark. Constitutional pathways and forging broad coalitions, not rhetorical absolutism, yield durable reform.
Second, historical memory must be institutionalised rather than weaponised. The Nigeria Civil War should be properly documented, archived, and academically studied, as other societies with such collective traumas have done in the aftermath of the Holocaust, World War II, Rwanda Genocide etc. Structured remembrance acknowledges injustice without perpetuating paralysis. Justice emerges through patient documentation, lawful advocacy, and institutional reform — not escapism.
Third, the South-East’s post-war resurgence of Ndi Igbo demonstrates their power of enterprise and discipline. Within one generation, commercial hubs such as Onitsha and Aba were rebuilt, while Nnewi’s industrial clusters flourished through Igbo apprenticeship system and indigenous initiative. Beyond the zone, Igbo feats in the Diaspora show the same miraculous bounce back. This resilience mirrors David Ben-Gurion’s insight into the mindset that saw the Jews through: “In Israel, in order to be a realist, you must believe in miracles.” The region’s economic revival was not born of grievance but of grit.
Fourth, influence within Nigeria’s plural federation demands coalition-building. Issues of structural frustrations are shared across the South-South, Middle Belt, and parts of the North. Such lacks are therefore not exclusive to Ndi Igbo and not touted as such. Issue-based alliances around fiscal federalism and institutional reform are more effective than solitary agitation. As Hannah Arendt noted, “power corresponds to the human ability not just to act but to act in concert.” Collective action multiplies influence.
Fifth, internal discourse must prioritise long-term wellbeing over reactive extremism. Movements such as the Indigenous People of Biafra (IPoB) reflect genuine frustrations but risk entrenching a perpetual persecution narrative that narrows diplomatic space. Sustainable political leverage arises from structured civic engagement — policy platforms, youth leadership councils, economic think tanks, and constitutional advocacy. Mobilisation without governance rarely yields enduring outcomes.
Ultimately, the Igbo narrative must evolve from marginalisation to indispensability. The South-East remains one of Nigeria’s most literate and entrepreneurial regions, with thriving professionals across the federation and the Diaspora. The Igbo apprenticeship system (igba boi) has produced tens of thousands of self-made industrialists and money bags. These are not markers of helplessness but of capacity. Yet the hue and cry persist. No people rise beyond the limits of their own conviction. As William James argued, “pessimism leads to weakness, optimism to power.”
A balanced future for the zone should smartly situate pain within a broader story of hopeful reconstruction, innovation, and national contribution. Rather than centring discourse on exclusion, emphasis must shift toward co-authoring Nigeria’s modernisation — a position Governor Soludo consistently advances. When memory is disciplined by strategy and powered by innovation, historic suffering can yield historic leadership.
As William Shakespeare reminds us, “our doubts are traitors, and make us lose the good we oft might win.” The real battle, therefore, is not marginalisation but mindset reformation. And that is a battle the South-East can win.

• Nnabuife, Managing Director of Anambra State Civic and Social Reformation Office, ANCISRO, writes from Awka 

EVEN the most accomplished propagandists might once have doubted that Nigeria would reach a point where its history could be taught to children with one of its foundational peoples deliberately marginalised or erased. Yet that is the unsettling reality now confronting the country’s basic education system.

Until recently, the idea of excluding the Igbo from the study of Nigerian history would have seemed absurd. Today, it is being openly debated. Reports of the non-inclusion — or severe marginalisation — of Igbo narratives in a junior secondary school History textbook have provoked public outrage. Beyond the immediate controversy lies a deeper concern: if such distortion can occur in History, what prevents similar erasures across other subjects?
At the centre of the storm is a textbook titled 'Living History,' reportedly authored by J. M. Itsekure, O. O. Olajide, and T. E. Taiwo. The book has circulated widely as a proposed junior secondary school History text and has been condemned on social media for allegedly excluding Igbo history while providing coverage for other Nigerian ethnic groups.
The Federal Ministry of Education has denied approving the book, stating that it was never submitted to the National Educational Research and Development Council (NERDC), the statutory body responsible for evaluating and approving school textbooks. According to the Ministry, 'Living History' is not on the official list of approved History texts. Nevertheless, the controversy has already exposed a troubling truth: Igbo history is increasingly being pushed to the margins of official narratives taught to Nigerian children.
The publisher, Accessible Publishers Ltd, has rejected claims of outright exclusion, insisting that the book contains Igbo-related content. These claims, however, remain unverified. Even so, the debate itself underscores a more enduring problem: the gradual relegation of Igbo history to footnotes, token mentions, or complete silence within accounts of Nigeria’s past.
This trend is especially jarring to those familiar with Nigeria’s historical record. The Igbo are not a peripheral group in the making of Nigeria. They are a principal people whose influence on the country’s political, economic, educational, and social development is fundamental.
Whether or not 'Living History' ultimately proves culpable, one fact remains clear: there is an emerging pattern of historical distortion in what Nigerian children are taught. As Francis Bacon observed, “Some battles cannot be won by politics or banter; they yield only to rigorous thought.”
How did Nigeria arrive at a point where omitting the Igbo from a History textbook became conceivable? Who benefits from such omissions, and for what purpose? How did one of the country’s three major ethnic groups descend, in official narratives, from centrality to near-invisibility? What version of Nigeria is being presented to its children, and to what end?
One wishes to dwell on enlightenment on this matter because Joseph Joubert, in Pensées (1842), reminds us that “Noise can dominate a moment, but reason shapes generations.” It is therefore necessary to restate, calmly and factually, the contributions of Ndi Igbo to the transformation of modern Nigeria —contributions that some historians, commentators, and institutions have sought to diminish. As Joubert further noted, “Debate seeks victory; intellectual engagement seeks truth.”
One of Nigeria’s most distinguished historians, Prof. Tekena Nitonye Tamuno — an Ijaw scholar and former Vice-Chancellor of the University of Ibadan — warned against precisely this trend. He observed that public discourse in Nigeria had increasingly normalised the denigration of the Igbo. Even when credited for their  due achievements, Ndi Igbo were often portrayed as domineering or disruptive, a characterisation unsupported by historical evidence.
A dispassionate review of Nigeria’s development tells a different story. Many pillars of modern Nigeria—economic dynamism, mass education, indigenous higher institutions, commercial integration, and civic consciousness—were significantly shaped by Igbo initiative and enterprise. Far from deserving reproach, Professor Tamuno argued, the Igbo deserve recognition for their transformative role in Nigeria’s modernity. He was unequivocal in his assessment: “The Igbo are the makers of modern Nigeria.”
One of his most compelling illustrations was the economic performance of Eastern Nigeria between 1954 and 1964. During this decade, scholarly accounts show that the Eastern Region recorded extraordinary growth. The Harvard Review described it as the fastest-growing regional economy in the world at the time, outperforming China, Singapore, and the emerging Asian Tiger economies (Tamuno, 1970; Forrest, 1981). This achievement was all the more remarkable given that Eastern Nigeria had the weakest revenue base among the regions.
Growth was not resource-driven but productivity-led — anchored in trade, education, and community mobilisation — what development economists now describe as human-capital-led growth (Todaro & Smith, 2015). Education lay at the centre of this transformation. The Eastern Regional Government invested approximately 45 per cent of its total revenue in education, an allocation exceptional by global standards.
Through Town Development Unions, Igbo communities pooled resources to build schools, supported by matching grants from the Eastern Nigeria Development Corporation. Institutions such as National High School, Okigwe; Ngwa High School; and Mbaise Secondary School remain operational today, providing tangible evidence of the durability of this model. As Afigbo (1981) observed, education in the East was not an elitist privilege but a collective social project rooted in communal responsibility.
Healthcare and infrastructure followed the same logic. Every administrative division in Eastern Nigeria had a Joint Hospital under the Eastern Medical Services, ensuring broad access to medical care. The region also developed what contemporaries described as the most extensive modern road network in West Africa, facilitating trade and integration (Forrest, 1981). Unlike regions that prioritised prestige projects, the Eastern model emphasised social reach, durability, and mass welfare.
Igbo contributions to Nigeria’s intellectual architecture were equally profound. The University of Nigeria, Nsukka (UNN), founded under Dr Nnamdi Azikiwe, was Nigeria’s first truly indigenous university. Unlike colonial-era institutions designed to serve imperial administration, UNN was conceived as a development-oriented university, pioneering faculties in law, engineering, business, journalism, music, and the performing arts.
The early prominence of UNN graduates in Nigeria’s public service was not evidence of ethnic conspiracy, as critics alleged, but the predictable outcome of deliberate educational investment. As Crowder (1966) noted, accusations of “Igbo domination” reflected political anxiety rather than academic imbalance.
Azikiwe’s influence extended beyond Eastern Nigeria. His advocacy was instrumental to the establishment of University College Ibadan following the Eliot Commission, while the University of Lagos emerged from the ideological input of his political party, the NCNC-led federal coalition government, with an Igbo, Aja Wachukwu, serving as Minister of Education. Yet such contributions — including the pioneering role of Professor Eni Njoku as UNILAG’s first Vice-Chancellor — are often minimised or omitted from institutional histories.
Commerce offers another telling example. In fact, this development brings to the wisdom in Gov. Chukwuma Soludo's keenness for rescuing the Onitsha Main Market from the hands of the ignorant. The Onitsha Modern Market, built by the Eastern Government in the 1950s, was the first modern trade emporium in West Africa. Long before “globalisation” entered development discourse, Onitsha functioned as a continental commercial hub, attracting traders from across Africa. Its economic multiplier effects far exceeded those of prestige structures such as stadia or skyscrapers built in other regions which narratives of Nigerian history tend to trumpet. As Rodrik (2007) argues, integrated markets are far more consequential for long-term growth than symbolic monuments. Through the market emporium initiative, the entire Eastern region and neighbourhood has remained a buzz of commerce for over seven decades.
Equally transformative was the Igbo commitment to information, enlightenment, and the creative arts. Beyond the famous Onitsha Market Literature — which influenced the landmark African Writers Series and Nigeria’s Nollywood phenomenon — Eastern Nigeria established the first modern public library system in West Africa. Prof. Tamuno recalled that children across the region possessed library cards and regularly borrowed books well into the post–civil war decades, an extraordinary democratisation of knowledge.
'The Eastern Outlook,' Nigeria’s first government-owned newspaper, further boosted literacy and public awareness. These initiatives reflected what Chinua Achebe described as the Igbo cultural emphasis on inquiry, debate, and self-improvement.
Despite this record, post–civil war narratives have systematically diminished Igbo contributions while amplifying those of other regions. Professor Tamuno attributed this selective memory to control over media institutions and academic storytelling, warning that such distortions ultimately misinform both the marginalised and the beneficiaries of falsehood. Achebe’s metaphor remains apt: until the lion tells its own story, the hunter will always dominate the narrative.
To recognise Igbo contributions is not to deny those of other Nigerian peoples. It is to insist on historical balance and intellectual honesty. Facts show that Igbo should be hailed not bashed or skipped. Recognition is not a zero-sum exercise; it strengthens national cohesion by replacing resentment with understanding. Nigeria’s future cannot be built on myths sustained by silence or fear. It must rest on a truthful reckoning with the past.
As Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie warns, the danger of a single story is profound. On the evidence, the Igbo story is not one of domination or sabotage, but of industry, innovation, and nation-building — a legacy deserving acknowledgement, not erasure. If anyone still pretends to be ignorant of how the Igbo nation transformed modern Nigeria let him cast a glance at the development templates of Gov. Soludo in Anambra State and recall how the great Zik of Africa and his era rejuvenated the then nascent nation with radical ideas.
You can't quench a wildfire with spittle. No matter how many spits. John Stuart Mill captured the essence of this struggle in On Liberty (1859): “The loudest voice may prevail today, but the clearest mind prevails tomorrow.” Those promoting the distortion of Nigeria’s history may command noise for now, but truth, ultimately, is more enduring.

* Nnabuife , Managing Director of Anambra State Civic and Social Reformation Office, ANCISRO, writes from Awka

 Before she went for the competition, not many people had paid her any attention, but with the win, Agbani, a graduate of computer science and Mathematics, did not only put Nigeria on the spotlight and in a positive way, but she also became famous in her own right. By that time, Silverbird, I believe, had been on the quest for the beauty title for 15 years.

Sitting across Guy Murray Bruce in that store owned by his family, I asked him one question: ‘You have been on this for fifteen years, not getting the title, yet you continued. What made you to keep going?’

 Mr Bruce’s answer has stayed with me decades after, and today, as Nigeria, and indeed, Africa rejoice over Chidimma Vanessa Adetshina’s triumph as second runner-up at the Ms Universe pageant, and Ms Universe Africa and Oceania, again, courtesy of  the incredible talent-spotting trait of the Silverbird Group, I wish to use it to pay tribute to the resolute resolve of Guy Murray Bruce, his brother/founder of Silverbird Group, @benmurraybruce and their staff, who have at different times, used their showbiz empire to showcase and bring honour to Nigeria, all the while, trusting God that it is doable.

Guy Murray Bruce’s response, which I have often used as words of encouragement to people despairing was ‘I believe that if you work hard and trust God, it’s only a matter of time, but He will never let you down.’ Incredible power of trust, spirituality, and hardwork, coming together for impact.

 Chidimma so wanted to be crowned a beauty queen. She was on the verge of becoming one in South Africa, a place she was born in and called home, but was bullied out of the contest due to allegations of identity fraud against her mother. She had to withdraw from the competition.

 Then, stepped in @GuyMurrayBruce with an invitation to Chidimma to participate in the Nigeria version of the Ms Universe contest. Eager to actualise her dream, and sure of what she’s got, Chidimma accepted, came back ‘home’ to Nigeria, represented Taraba State in the contest and emerged Ms Universe Nigeria, under which title she went to Mexico for the finals and from a sea of 126 very beautiful and some very talented young women, she was adjudged the second most beautiful woman in the world, and the most beautiful in Africa (including South Africa) and Oceania (14 countries that include Australia, New Zealand, Solomon Islands, Fiji, Micronesia, Samoa and Papua New Guinea among others)

Chidimma was down but she kept working hard, the big trophy eluded Silverbird after Agbani’s win, but the Group kept working and apparently continued to trust God.

Indeed, if you work hard and trust God, He will NEVER let you down. That also speaks to my deep-rooted Catholic Christian conviction.
Congratulations @chichi_vanessaa Congratulations @mbgn_silverbird

This day is set aside every year to provide a moment for collective reflection and a powerful reminder on the critical importance of safe water.

This global initiative aims to raise awareness about water-related issues and advocate for sustainable management of our essential water resources.

This year's theme is: Water for Peace. 

Image Credit: The Guardian

As expected, an avalanche of passionate sincere and motivational felicitations have been pouring in from all over the world.

The universal recognition and acclaim which have continued to greet and embrace Mr. Peter Obi, even after the elections, attest to the fact that he has become emblematic of a latent yearning and desire of many Nigerians for a better and more functional country to address and providing solutions to the needs of the people. 

The support for Peter Obi is deeply entrenched in the faith people have consciously and subconsciously reposed in his ability to deliver as a leader.